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It has been a wretched few weeks for America’s celebrity bosses. AIG’s Maurice Greenberg has been dramatically ousted from the firm through which he dominated global insurance for decades. At Morgan Stanley a mutiny is forcing Philip Purcell, a boss used to getting his own way, into an increasingly desperate campaign to save his skin. At Boeing, Harry Stonecipher was called out of retirement to lead the scandal-hit firm and raise ethical standards, only to commit a lapse of his own, being sacked for sending e-mails to a lover who was also an employee. Carly Fiorina was the most powerful woman in corporate America until a few weeks ago, when Hewlett-Packard (HP) sacked her for poor performance. The fate of Bernie Ebbers is much grimmer. The once high-profile boss of WorldCom could well spend the rest of his life behind bars following his conviction last month on fraud charges.
In different ways, each of these examples appears to point to the same, welcome conclusion: that the imbalance in corporate power of the late 1990s, when many bosses were allowed to behave like absolute monarchs, has been corrected. Alas, appearances can be deceptive. While each of these recent tales of chief-executive woe is a sign of progress, none provides much evidence that the crisis in American corporate governance is yet over. In fact, each of these cases is an example of failed, not successful, governance.
At the very least, the boards of both Morgan Stanley and HP were far too slow to address their bosses’ inadequacies. The record of the Boeing board in picking chiefs prone to ethical lapses is too long to be dismissed as mere bad luck. The fall of Messrs Greenberg and Ebbers, meanwhile, highlights the growing role of government--and, in particular, of criminal prosecutors in holding bosses to account: a development that is, at best, a mixed blessing. The Sarbanes-Oxley act, passed in haste following the Enron and WorldCom scandals, is imposing heavy costs on American companies; whether these are exceeded by any benefits is the subject of fierce debate and may not be known for years.
Eliot Spitzer, New York’s attorney-general, is the leading advocate and practitioner of an energetic "law enforcement" approach. He may be right that the recent burst of punitive actions has been good for the economy, even if some of his own decisions have been open to question. Where he is undoubtedly right is in arguing that corporate America has done a lamentable job of governing itself. As he says in an article in the Wall Street Journal this week, "The honour code among CEOs didn’t work. Board oversight didn’t work. Self-regulation was a complete failure." AIG’s board, for example, did nothing about Mr. Greenberg’s use of murky accounting, or the conflicts posed by his use of offshore vehicles, or his constant bullying of his critics let alone the firm’s alleged participation in bid rigging--until Mr. Spitzer threatened a criminal prosecution that might have destroyed the firm.How many America's celebrity bosses are mentioned in the first paragraph（）

A．Three.
B．Four.
C．Five.
D．Six.

各级各类( )是唯一合法的代表企业员工合法权益的社团组织和法人。

A．政府
B．企业管理者
C．工会
D．社团组织

下述不符合血细胞发育过程中形态演变规律的是

A．胞体由大至小
B．胞浆量由多至少
C．颗粒从无至有
D．核仁从有至无
E．核染色质由细致至粗糙

下列有关我国古代四大发明的表述，正确的是______

A．西汉时期蔡伦改进了造纸术
B．隋唐时期已经有了活字印刷的书籍
C．唐朝时发明了管形火器“突火枪”
D．宋代在航海交通上已普遍使用指南针